The British Empire’s Military Campaign against the States of Hunza and Nagar (1891) Part-V

Author: Ashfaq Ahmed Adv
Translation: Ahmed Nayyar

The forces under the command of Colonel Durand captured the strategically important Nilt Fort in the state of Nagar after a brutal conflict. Despite the fall of Nilt, it appears that the forces of Hunza-Nagar did not lose their resolve; instead, they continued to resist. Colonel Durand remarks that “I spent the most miserable fortnight of my existence, I was consumed by terrible anxiety lying helpless, after being wounded in the battle. Despite the occupation of Nilt fort, our troops encamped outside the fort in the open ground. The campaign was ongoing, and the anxiety was relentlessly increasing day by day.”

In his book, The Making of a Frontier, Durand affirms that “the Indus valley tribes and Chitralis would be certain to rise for rebellion. Although, Gilgit and Bunji would have remain safe. However, if the war was dragged, the difficulty of feeding the troops at the front would become insuperable owing to closure of mountain passes. At this crucial time, the presence of George Robertson with the force, his fiery courage and determination would keep me confident.”

The breach of the enemy's defensive line remained a mystery even after the capture of Nilt Fort. It seems that the failure of this campaign could have been catastrophic for British India. Colonel Durand tells us that “the planned attempt to capture Mayoon fort in Hunza had failed. The fort was strongly fortified and held, and was very difficult of approach because, to seize the Mayoon fort, the troops would have had to pass for six hundred yards under a line of cliffs that were held by the enemy. Furthermore, before getting the right flank of the Nagar position, we would have been exposed to a raking fire from both banks. The cliffs into the river were some hundreds of feet high. Only at rare intervals did a path lead up a ravine to the plateau above, and down these well-known passes the enemy had turned water, which, freezing at once, converted them into sheets of ice. To storm up such paths seemed impossible, and the enemy ever on the alert, redoubled the difficulty by letting down fireballs at night into the riverbed, which lit up plainly. Consequently, the second alternative, after careful consideration, had to be given up."

Durand states that “there remained but the third course – to find a way up the cliffs opposite Nilt and to deliver a direct assault.” E. F. Knight mentions that a small garrison was left to guard the captured fort of Nilt, while the bulk of the force encamped at about half a mile from it, among the cultivated fields of the maidan. We observed flickering fires of the enemy’s pickets scattered all over the mountainside beyond Nilt; but Sher bachas and muskets became silent at sunset.

Colonel Durand writes that “night after night, reconnaissances were pushed up the great ravine leading to the glaciers of Rakaposhi, and the opposing cliff was explored. The enemy’s posts ran right up to the glaciers, and the cliffs became more forbidding the farther our men pushed their researches. Finally, with the necessity came the man. A little Dogra sepoy called Nagdu one night succeeded in climbing twelve hundred feet up the cliff, and found a practicable path, and preparations were made for the final assault on Nagar forces.”

Durand notes that, “for some days I had heard nothing definite, though I knew the decisive moment had nearly come. At length one morning, after days of horrible anxiety and nights of ceaseless pain had almost worn me out, Manners-Smith burst into my room with the glad news that the position had been carried, and the troops were far on their way to Nagar. The success had been obtained under the command of Captain Colin Mackenzie of the Seaforth Highlanders, an Aide-de-Camp of Lord Roberts’, who had come up with me, and whom I had made quartermaster general of my little force. The officer in command had been obliged to return to Gilgit for a few days to see about the ever-anxious question of supply; an opening had offered in his absence, and Mackenzie, who was in temporary command, had seized it. The action is admirably described in my friend Knight’s book, Where three Empires meet, and does not call for description from a man who was not present.”

On the breaching of the defensive line of Nagar, Knight reveals that “artillery was deployed atop the Nilt ravine, to protect the road-makers along the fort walls and the cliffs. Meanwhile, from the opposite direction, over a dozen Kanjuti marksmen opened fire on the crowded British troops, acting on the instructions of their military leaders. Many troops came directly under fire. Three British personnel were killed, and five were wounded; Captain Garton himself was severely injured. Some of the battery mules were also hit by the enemy's fire. During the engagement, another British soldier was killed. The Kanjuts were ready for us, fully prepared for battle. Bullet after bullet from a sanga began to rain down from the ridge above the British troops. Mitchell himself was hit in the chest by a jezail bullet, but he fortunately survived. Down in Nilt, the native defenders were entirely resolved to make their stand at this very location; they had even re-occupied one of the breastworks. It was later learned that they were planning to recapture the fort.”

Knight observes that, during this period, a man crossed the river safely on an inflated skin (mashak) and reached the British camp. He carried a letter from the Tham of Hunza, indicating the ruler's willingness to negotiate for peace while remaining unwilling to accept the demands of the British Government set out in Colonel Durand's ultimatum. Mir Safdar Ali Khan remained resolute in his refusal to permit the construction of a road through his territory. According to Knight, Safdar Ali Khan's envoy conveyed that the capture of Nilt was of little consequence and should not be regarded as a significant British achievement, as his generals had more or less anticipated its fall. He further asserted that any further British advance would be impossible in the face of Hunza's formidable defences. The envoy claimed that every breastwork in Hunza was manned, that the defenders possessed one large Sher bacha and four smaller pieces of artillery, and that they occupied exceptionally strong defensive positions. Despite their efforts, the British had been unable to capture the fort at Mayoon in Hunza.

The envoy of Mir Safdar Ali Khan of Hunza returned with the message from the British Political Agent, in which they conveyed that the war would continue until the fulfilment of their demands. Consequently, unusual firing and shelling resumed. It appears that this worthless agreement was merely a waste of time. Within two days, the British troops were able to capture the defensive fort of Nagar through fierce fighting. The British troops captured 118 prisoners from the lower front and nearby defensive posts after brutal fighting. Some of these Kanjuti prisoners remained steadfast to their cause, and 22 of them were shot dead by the British troops on the way to Thol. Six British troops were killed, and 27 were injured. Knight stresses that the victory of 20 December was made possible by the efforts of Nagdu, a soldier of the Kashmiri Bodyguard Regiment. Following his successful reconnaissance, the British forces captured this strategically important defensive position. Subsequently, it was reported that more than eighty Kanjutis had been killed, the majority of whom were from Nagar, while a smaller number were from Hunza Mayoon. These defenders had been continuously firing upon the British forces from their positions across the ravine. Following the capture of the position, the British troops remained in Nagar for eighteen days, during which exchanges of fire with the Hunza posts continued. The British rifles and guns had compelled Kanjutis in Mayoon to keep within their fortified village.

Knight points out that, “on the other hand, their marksmen made it unadvisable for any of us to show his head above the parapets of Nilt. They had men among them who evidently knew how to use the Martini-Henry or Berdan at long range. The Hunza General himself was wont to station himself all day at the summit of the Ziarat Tower, with a long telescope and a Berdan rifle, spying and shooting at us. Now and then, a Sher bacha would drop a shot into the middle of our camp.”

Knight states, “There was one very bold Kanjuti who crossed the Mayoon nullah one day, took up a position on the farther side of the river, just opposite to our camp, and made most excellent practice with a Berdan, until he suddenly disappeared on a shell from Molony's gun bursting over him; so it was conjectured that he had been killed.”

The mountains of Hunza were echoing the gunfire where steadfast and committed Kanjutis were positioned fighting and taking extreme risks to their lives, despite their Tham having fled the country. During the Hunza-Nagar campaign, four British officers and forty other troops were killed.

Knight posits that, following the occupation of the Nagar state, we sent a message to the people of Hunza offering them an opportunity to surrender. If they laid down their arms, we would not harm them. Also, it was ploughing season in the valley.

Apparently, there was a huge disagreement among the people. The supporters of the exiled Wazir, Hamayoon Baig, were reluctant to the conflict, because a large group among them was hostile to Mir Safdar Ali Khan. It appears that these groups believed to reach a settlement with the British troops in opposition to Mir Safdar Ali Khan, who had fled the country to Yarqand, leaving his subjects in trouble. Soon, some Kanjutis were spotted along the Hunza River, the British troops opened fire on them and continued until it was clear that they had given up fighting.

The Kanjutis were willing to engage in a conversation with the British. Subsequently, a group of elders comprised of fourteen men from influential families of Hunza reached Nilt for negotiation. Advocate Masaid Ullah Baig, a member of the family of Hamayoon Baig, states that Muhammad Raza Baig, the brother of Hamayoon Baig, was also a member of the delegation. On receiving assurances of their safety and non-interference by the British in their internal affairs, the fourteen-member delegation from Hunza agreed to cease hostilities and accepted the sovereignty of the British Empire.

Later, a group of tribesmen helped the British to build a temporary bridge across the Kanjut River to facilitate the passage of troops to enter Hunza. Aziz Ali Dad, a prominent intellectual from Gilgit-Baltistan, says, "With the defeat of the Nagar state, the defense of Hunza dissolved and the influential tribesmen here, instead of resisting, even appeased the British." British troops faced no resistance in Hunza other than Mayoon. According to Aziz Ali Dad, constructing the bridge to facilitate the entry of British forces into Hunza constituted an act of collaboration rather than resistance. He further argues that, although some interpret these negotiations as evidence of Hunza's prudence, they are better understood as a psychological process through which a defeated mindset retrospectively reinterprets its own weakness in more favourable terms. Similarly, it underscores that after the escape of Mir Safdar Ali Khan, there was no centre of power in Hunza.

In accordance with the negotiations with the Hunza delegation, the very next morning, Captain Twigg, Lieutenant Boisragon and one hundred Gurkha soldiers set out from Sumayar, Nagar, to occupy the castle of Hunza. According to E. F. Knight, some years back, the tribesmen of Hunza had entrapped and massacred a whole Dogra army. Therefore, they were worried that the Mir’s party would regain ascendancy, or that the negotiations would be treachery of the tribesmen, or that the tribesmen might change their minds. Thus, the troops were kept ready to come and support if they were attacked. Moreover, the British forces had taken fourteen men as hostages from influential families as collateral in Nagar. The hostages were responsible with their lives for the safety of the small body of sepoys. Raja Akbar Khan of Punyal and Raja Bahadur Khan of Astore were accompanying the British. They had relations with the rulers of Hunza and Nagar. The tribesmen of Hunza upheld their promise, as the people were discontented with the Mir's escape and his oppression. Subsequently, the British succeeded in their plans and occupied Hunza. Colonel Durand tells us that the Kanjuti’s (tribesmen of Hunza) defended themselves valiantly, but they could not resist the British forces.

In addition, Colonel Durand states that my friend Humayoon Baig, the ex-Wazir of Hunza, had naturally been with us and was reinstated to his previous position. Knight points out that “Wazir Humayoon had many friends in Hunza, and that a large party in that country was ready to follow him. As such a man would be of service to us, he had been recalled from Chitral by our resident. At the time I write this, the exiled Humayoon is once more in possession of his estates, and is Wazir

of Hunza.”

Durand left six hundred men of the Imperial Service regiments to occupy Hunza and Nagar. Civil administration was handed over to local rulers. Lieutenant Townshend being appointed Military Governor, and the rest of the force marched to Gilgit. Additionally, Colonel Durand created Hunza-Nagar levies comprised of local tribesmen.

According to Durand, “it was an open secret that Safdar Ali Khan had counted on help from the north, and had sent an embassy to the Russians, at Tashkent. The Governor-General had refused any assistance, but by all accounts, his staff had held very different language, and Safdar Ali Khan had apparently attached some importance to the reports his messenger brought. In his reply to my ultimatum, he had threatened me with the wrath of the three Empires – Hunza, Russia, and China. The help expected had not been forthcoming, and the "descendant of Alexander" was now an exile. The result of the little war may best be summed up in the words of a well-known Russian statesman, who said when he heard of our occupation of Hunza: "Ils nous ont fermés la porte au nez" (They have slammed the door in our faces).”

Durand continues, “The gallantry of officers and men during the operations was fittingly rewarded. Aylmer, Boisragon, and Manners-Smith received the Victoria Cross, and a number of Orders of Merit, the equivalent to the Victoria Cross in the native army, were distributed among the rank and file.

Knight mentions that the Hunza-Nagar campaign was over. Cultivation season had just begun here. It was the time of ploughing in the valley. After the conquest, when I saw the cultivation in both countries, I realised that the Hunza-Nagaris are industrious agriculturists as well as bold robbers. Arms and ammunition, along with the big cannon of Hunza Castle, which had been manufactured by the unfortunate Yarkander, were taken and voluntarily carried to Gilgit as a trophy. One hundred and ten people dragged this ponderous piece of artillery over the rough track to Gilgit in little over a week. Four other captured Sher bachas were also brought in, whereas one cannon was captured from Nilt Fort Nagar.

Knight sheds light on the story of Sher bacha cannon; he writes, “Some years back a Chinese armourer from Yarkand came to Hunza and offered to cast so powerful a cannon for the defence of the Tham's stronghold as to enable him to defy the world. The Tham took him at his word, decreed a compulsory collection of all the brazen and copper cooking-pots and other vessels in the neighbourhood of the capital, and of this metal the big gun was forthwith made. The like of it had never before been seen in these highlands. The Tham was delighted with it and showed his sincere appreciation of his services by having him immediately decapitated, jealous lest this unique workman should betake himself to Nagar, Dogra’s, or any other, and construct similar ordnance for those rival Powers.”

Durand indicates that “no interference in the internal affairs of the Hunza and Nagar states was attempted.” Perhaps, they had worst experience of the Anglo-Afghan War of 1842 engraved in their minds. According to Knight, “Mir Safdar Ali and Mir Uzr Khan had been accompanied in their flight by some four hundred men, who had carried with them, not only the treasures of Hunza, but all the best rifles, and that it was their intention to cross the Killik Pass, at the head of the Hunza Valley, and proceed to Tashkurghan, in Chinese Turkestan.” Moreover, Knight states, on being asked from a person, in what direction the

Tham intended to go? He replied that the Tham was about to cross the Bam-i-Dunya (Roof of the World), the first time any of us had heard the Pamirs thus designated by a native.”

In his book “Tribes of the Hindoo Kosh”, Major John Biddulph tells us about this property of Mir of Hunza. He writes, “Shah Ghazanfur Khan of Hunza rendered assistance to Chinese government in overcoming the rebellion in Yarqand in 1847. In recognition of this service a jagheer was granted to him close to Yarqand, and a brass tablet inscribed with a record of the friendship of Hunza towards Peking. A fixed subsidy was paid by the Chinese to the Tham of Hunza. Under these circumstances, the caravans between Yarqand and Leh were plundered, and young men were seized and sold into slavery, which caused Hunza to become the chief Place of resort for slave-merchants from Badakhshan. Whereas, on the reestablishment of Chinese power in Kashghar in 1878, Mir Ghazan Khan made a formal request to revive his ancient rights.”

On the other hand, Knight mentions that Uzr Khan, who had escaped across the Killik, was arrested by the Chinese authorities and was brought to Gilgit by an escort of Chinese soldiers. Later, he was taken to Kashmir and imprisoned. He died in prison after being confined for ten years. Descendants of the Hunza and Nagar chieftains still live in China and Kashmir. It is worth noting that before the Hunza-Nagar campaign, Baltistan, Astore, Gilgit, Chilas, Punyal and Yasin were under the domination of Dogras.

According to Knight, “Our troops made a triumphant entry into Gilgit on January 11. Crowds of natives were collected on the maidan to welcome the victorious army, and the band of Alidad Khan, Raja of Gilgit, played stirring music in honour of having overthrown that prince’s father.” Afterwards, the British Indian government decided to place Nazim Khan, half-brother to Safdar Ali, on the throne of Hunza, and Humayoon Baig as his Wazir. Similarly, old Tham Zafar Khan was reinstated, and his son Sikander Khan was declared his successor in Nagar. Likewise, a fixed pension was allocated to these newly appointed chieftains. Interestingly, it continued till today, with the only difference of Government of Pakistan being the exchequer.

Zulfiqar Ahmad, great-grandson of Raja Zafar Khan of Nagar, views that “The independent state of Nagar’s autonomy went under British control due to internal conflicts over the throne. The British would not have won this war if local people had not supported them. After losing the war against the British, the sovereign state of Nagar became part of British India. Currently, this historical state is just an administrative district, and the same goes with Hunza.”

Against this historical backdrop, the observation of Peter Hopkirk, author of “The Great Game”, remains particularly relevant. He argues that the rivalry between the British and Russian Empires for dominance in Central Asia was not merely a contest between imperial powers but a matter of life and death for the local populations. Although the Great Game ostensibly came to an end, political decisions affecting these communities continued to be made in colonial centres such as Calcutta and London, thereby undermining local autonomy.

Within the context of the Great Game, which emerged during the 1830s, the occupation and control of frontier regions were driven primarily by the strategic interests of the British Empire and Tsarist Russia. These mountainous territories of Central Asia were valued principally for their geopolitical significance rather than the communities that inhabited them.

From this perspective, it can be argued that the British occupation of the states of Hunza–Nagar cannot be regarded as the happy ending of a fairy tale; rather, it signifies the beginning of a prolonged political subjugation and domination.

One conclusion that may be drawn from the Hunza–Nagar campaign is that the people of Hunza and Nagar demonstrated remarkable bravery and heroism in resisting a global imperial power. Their collective response reflected not only military courage but also a strong sense of self-confidence and agency that may be regarded as characteristic of a people who valued their freedom.

E. F. Knight discerns, “a determined resistance was offered by some of the enemy's marksmen, who fought to the death and asked no quarter.” Yet, they were defeated. Thus, it is reasonable to argue that the courageous people of Hunza and Nagar who laid down lives for their country have secured an enduring place in history despite losing the war against an imperial power.

Even today, when we look at people from Hunza-Nagar, particularly women who climb some of the world’s highest peaks, including K2, without fear, they exemplify courage, endurance and self-confidence which appear to be part of their DNA. Viewed in this historical continuum, it may be contended that these same qualities were evident among the people of Hunza and Nagar, who, together with the inhabitants of other parts of Gilgit-Baltistan, played a significant role in the events associated with the Gilgit-Baltistan War of Independence on 1 November 1947.

Photos: The making of a Frontier, Where three Empires meet

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The British Empire’s Military Campaign against the States of Hunza and Nagar (1891) Part-IV

 

The British Empire’s Military Campaign against the States of Hunza and Nagar (1891)

Part-IV

Author: Ashfaq Ahmed Adv
Translation: Ahmed Nayyar

In ‘The Making of a Frontier’ Colonel Durand documents the seizure of prominent defensive fort of Nilt. He states that his intention was to use Captain Aylmer’s guncotton to breach the main gate of the fort if its tower did not collapse with gun fire. Similarly, he suggests that securing the fort at any cost was considered a matter of survival. Geographically Nilt fort was located at the junction of a sheer chasm and river. The cliffs were some three hundred feet in height. Durand recounts that the first shell sailed over the wall and burst behind the fort a wild cheer rose from the garrison and went rolling up the valley ahead of them.

E. F Knight in his book ‘Where Three Empires Meet’ writes about the decisive phase of British war against Hunza – Nagar. He mentions that the enemy was firing from behind the stones from other side of Nilt nullah. They were shelling from across the hills with sher bacha guns of very much heavier caliber than 7-pound guns which continue till evening.

The enemy's fire was very well directed. Knight continues “it is certain that they had excellent marksmen amongst them, even at long ranges, as we afterwards discovered. Hunza -Nagar had many arms of precision – Russia Berdan rifles, Martini-Henrys, Sniders, Winchesters, and Spencers, in addition to their long home-made matchlocks – and they knew how to use them.

The best marksmen among the enemy had been told off to fire at the British officers, of whom there could not have been one who did not have some narrow escape on that day. For instance, Lieutenant Williams was shot through the helmet, and Lieutenant Boisragon's revolver was struck by a bullet as he was about to fire it during the final struggle within the fortress. Colonel Durand got severely wounded by gun shots and was shifted to Gilgit on a cot. Thus, the command was given to Captain Bradshaw.” Knight writes, during the expedition, “not only was Colonel Durand injured but Lieutenant Badcock severely wounded, and Captain Aylmer received three severe wounds, which may be considered a very lucky escape. Approximately forty of our young men had already been killed or incapacitated by their wounds. Five of our British combat officers were likewise rendered unfit for duty, leaving only twelve officers remaining. Had a few more days passed under conditions similar to those of December 2, we would have been left without any officers to command the troops.”

The tribesmen of Nagar were firing from within the fort, where they remained under secure protection. Knight suspects that only two or three of their enemy men would have been targeted, while many of their soldiers were hit by enemy’s fire. Meanwhile, the people of Hunza had taken an aggressive step and attacked on their extensive communication system.

Endless trenches and sher bacha guns were defending the opposite side of the Nilt nullah. This was an unprecedented war in the Himalayas. From glaciers to dry river passages, they faced impassable rock cliffs where marksmen were lined with rows. Knight states that geography appears difficult and scarier than bullets, which had made it easier for enemies to defend their land.

Further, Knight describes that the time had turned for the decisive attack. They were given orders, and amidst the echo of slogans, a protective squad of Gurkhas advanced swiftly. The troops lined up along the last sheer wall and burst intense firing at the loopholes of the fort. Under the cover of their fire, Aylmer and his assault team crossed the open field and jumped into the trench.

Colonel Durand reports that the gate of Nilt Fort was situated at the center of the main wall and concealed from view by a six-foot-high barrier. This barrier had been constructed along the edge of a ditch, which the enemy had loopholed but had failed to maintain its control. The trench was full of barriers made of whole tree, which also stretched from it to the end of the spur above the fort. Amid these obstacles, a path was found through the barriers leading to a small door that provided access to the passage between the outer and main walls. This door was under heavy fire from stone barricades across the ravine, but it was speedily forced with the loss of one man, once through it the little party found themselves in comparative safety.

In addition, Durand’s intention was to shell the corner of a tower with small guns, hoping that the tower would collapse and provide them a path to launch an assault. If this attempt failed, Aylmer, with a handful of sappers covered by the Gurkhas, was to make a dash for the gate, and blow it with gun cotton. The necessity of storming the fort at all costs for known to all. The moment the fort was theirs the Body Guard Regiment, which was held in reserve, was to be pushed past it into the ravine behind to storm the defenses on the far side. The fort was situated at the junction with a river of great ravine coming down from the snows of Rakaposhi. The cliffs forming the ravine and riverbank from which the fort walls rose were nearly three hundred feet height.

Furthermore, Durand states that “the fort was too far off for the little guns to make the necessary accurate shooting, and everyone having their orders we pushed on. The river here took a sudden bend, and we had to march round this to our right, and in doing so lost sight of the fort, which was hidden by a spur of hill. Closer and closer we moved, till we were right under the spur, which I occupied with the Punyalis as we rounded its end the top of a tower came into view. But only a foot or so was visible, and we had to get nearer in. At last, when about ten feet of the towers and half the wall could be seen, we halted the guns and came into action.”

Knight estimates that some 4,000 men were holding this wonderful position. It was a most vigilant enemy, too, that we had to deal with. The Kanjudis seemed to read our thoughts, for some of our most secretly planned night attacks were anticipated by them. They were always ready at the threatened point; showers of rock would sweep down the hillsides, and large fireballs of resinous wood would be rolled down the nullahs, their blaze disclosing the presence of our men and making a rapid retreat necessary. Atop over the troubled valley there was a deep silence on the Rakaposhi – beneath of which men were killing each other or shouting to do so.

Durand observes that a death-like silence had prevailed, and the enemy made no sign, but as the first shell sailed over the wall and burst behind the fort a wild cheer rose from the garrison, which was caught up from point to point and went rolling up the valley ahead of us. We saw smoke rising into the air. The sound of our gunpowder had shaken the enemy. We understood that either some magazine inside the fort had caught fire or the enemy's sher bacha cannon had exploded. We captured the hillock rampart. Under the cover of this firing, Aylmer and his storming party crossed the terrace and threw themselves into the ditch. The battle shifted to the fort's courtyard, and our soldiers had made their way inside. The gate of the fort was hidden behind a six-foot-high protective wall. The ditch was full of abattis made of whole tree trunks and branches, but Aylmer's men found a path that led to a small gate. Despite being under heavy fire, our soldiers broke the gate and entered, and for a while, the fort and its loopholes were fired upon; many men had already been shot and were dead.

The whole labyrinth of lanes was full of our sepoys, who were busy hunting up these men. Some of them were dead and many were injured. Captain Aylmer placed his slabs of gun-cotton at the foot of the gate, packed them with stones, and ignited the fuse, all the while being exposed to the fire from the towers which flanked the gate, as well as from some loopholes in the gate itself. We entered the fortress with Pathans, across the ruined gateway lay the dead body of a Gurkha, and close to him was the corpse of Muhammad Shah, Wazir of Nagar and one of the enemy's best leaders, who had been shot by Badcock. One woman only was found in the fort, the others, as usual in time of war, having been removed to the mountains. Her husband was among the killed. It turned out that both the brother and uncle of this woman were with Raja Akbar Khan's contingent; so, these men undertook the care of her and sent her to the house of some relative in their own valley.

If assistance had not arrived promptly, it was unlikely that any of our people would have survived. Some of the enemy leaders having been in favour of destroying the fort and relying solely on the stronger position beyond the Nilt nullah. It was Muhammad Shah who overruled this opinion and insisted that Nilt was impregnable; as it indeed might have been had we not Aylmers and guncotton.

The Wazir of Nagar fell victim to war at Nilt; however, many prominent leaders managed to escape due to their familiarity with the mountainous tracks and trails galloping up the valley, choosing a small door towards Nilt nullah to escape along with forces who carried with them some of the best rifles.

Knight asserts that “thus was Nilt Fort taken after a daring rush which, perhaps, has not had its equal since Umbeyla. As is so often the case, the boldest course of action here proved to be the safest. On the course of action our six men killed and twenty-seven wounded. On the other hand, the loss of the enemy was uncertain; but it was estimated that over eighty were killed in the course of the action and hundred were made prisoners. During the encounter, Captain Aylmer was covered with blood. The rajah of Punyal who, from the ridge above, witnessed the assault on the gate, raised his hands and cried out, ‘This is the fighting of giants, not of men.’

After the fort had fallen guns proceeded to drop shot and shell on to the roof and the lower front of about 100 men underneath the fort was cleared. The plucky old Wazir of Nagar fell a victim to his own theory; he died fighting, and it was over his corpse, stretched across the gateway, that our men entered the fort.”

Durand stresses that “if the expedition had failed, it would have landed in serious difficulties for the British Empire despite all our efforts. The hostile tribes of the Indus Valley would be certain to rise, and the Chitralis might join in, encouraged by our failure, thus the whole frontier might be in a blaze.”

Likewise, Durand mentions that “I knew neither Gilgit nor Bunji could possibly fall, the difficulty of feeding the troops at the front would become insuperable; added to this the passes were closed, and no help could possibly come till June. I knew I should not want troops to enable me to hold my own, but the anxiety of the authorities in India might prompt them to try and dispatch them; and failure now would necessarily entail the dispatch of a costly relief expedition in the spring.”

Knight claims that previously Kashmir troops had several times assault on Hunza-Nagar. The troops were not in such a position that they could stay for more than a week due to unavailability of food supplies. Thus, either troops were struck by enemy or by hunger.

Durand notes that “it was a miserable time, and nothing but the knowledge that George Robertson was political officer with the force, and that his fiery courage and stern determination would brook of no failure, kept me confident.”

Moreover, Durand points “day by day reports reached me from the front, and they were not very cheerful reading. Our troops occupied the captured fort of Nilt and the open ground over which we had advanced. Their water supply was assured, and there was a sufficiency of food. The enemy were unenterprising, were wedded to a passive resistance, and showed no desire to attempt the recapture of Nilt, or to work round the little force and to attack the line of communications. So far all was well; the question was, how to break through their guard?”

Additionally, he explores, there were the traditional three courses open. It was a case of either crossing the Hunza River and storming the fort of Mayun, or of pushing up the river bed and thus turning the enemy’s position on the Nagar bank, or, lastly, of finding a way up the opposing cliffs and piercing his line of defense by direct attack. There was yet another alternative – to blow up the captured fort and to retire to Chalt to await the arrival, six months later, of help from India. The last had but to be raised to be at once rejected. That way madness lay, and a general conflagration of the frontier.

It was decided to try and tackle Mayun, and on 12th December night a force crossed the Hunza River to approach Mayun fort and felt its way silently towards the walls. However, Kanjudis knew their intentions. Hence, the reconnaissance – for such the movement resolved itself into – effected nothing, and the troops were back in Nilt by daylight. The first course held out no promise of success. The fort was strongly fortified and held, and was very difficult if approach. The feasibility of moving troops up the riverbed and of turning the enemy’s position was next considered. The game was too risky.

It was clearly evident that information about our assault reached Mayun through spies. Therefore, Captain Bradshaw postponed the attack after much consideration until the circumstances became favorable.

Photos courtesy: The making of a frontier, Where three empires meet

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The British Empire’s Military Campaign against the States of Hunza and Nagar (1891)

Part-III

Author: Ashfaq Ahmed Adv
Translation: Ahmed Nayyar

In The Making of a Frontier, Colonel Durand writes about war against Hunza-Nagar, noting that the situation got extremely worsened in November 1891. On one hand, the Indus valley tribes were planning an assault on Bunji and on the other hand Chitralis were planning secretly to join them. Durand was concerned about a possible rebellion that would engulf the entire frontier region if faced failure against Hunza.

In such challenging circumstances, he ordered 5th Gurkha forces and two guns of Hazara mountain battery to immediately moved to Chalt. Likewise, upgradation and expansion of road infrastructure was accelerated on emergency basis under the supervision of Mr. Spedding, with Pathan laborers at his disposal. Earlier, through continued and rigorous efforts of the engineering battalion under the command of Major Gokul, a new road was constructed between Gilgit to Nomal. According to E. F Knight, an English company was assigned to construct road from Kashmir to Gilgit aiming at a planned British Forward Policy. Some thirty thousand coolies were recruited for construction work. A regular magistrate was appointed in order to resolve issues of these workers.

Finally, on 29th November 1891, Colonel Durand sent final ultimatum to Mir Safdar Ali Khan of Hunza and Raja Uzur Khan of Nagar. Wazir Dadu Khan of Hunza drew his sword from the scabbard threatened to cut off the head of anyone who ventured to speak of peace. Thus, Durand asserts he was left with no alternative but to go to war.

Durand records that failure of negotiations led to immediate maneuver towards Chalt. In the afternoon bugles sounded – two hundred Gurkha and Dogra troops of ‘Kashmir Bodyguard Regiment’ have crossed rope bridge with their supplies until evening. Rope bridge was in extremely bad condition that only six people could cross at a time. Transporting guns across Gilgit river was a more difficult phase. The river was in full flood, a hundred and fifty yards wide, and running like a mill race. The mules swam across and taken to other side of the river while a plank bridge was constructed to transfer kit and ammunition. Until midnight two guns were safely transported across the river. Meanwhile, Durand dispatched some of his personals to sever rope bridge connecting Hunza and Nagar, with the objective of preventing Raja Uzur Khan and his forces from advancing towards Hunza.

Durand notes that his agents informed him that Mir of Hunza was planning to retake Chachar Padi and sever their grain supplies. Subsequently, in order to secure key strategic positions, a small detachment composed of local levies was dispatched to Chachar Padi, a terrible cliff position on the Gilgit side of Chalt, the possession of which was rightly held by the Hunza-Nagar people to be of the utmost value. Durand affirms that once this area came into their hands it ensured the safety of route to Chalt.

Colonel Durand ordered Major Gokul to abandon work at ‘Hattu Pir’ and commence marching on urgent basis. After arrival of this group in Nomal the troops were in high feather and full of fight. While the Dogra governor of Gilgit was wringing his hands in anxiety and prophesying disaster.

Raja Akbar Khan and Punyali levies joined the army from Nomal onward. After an exhaustive march the troops reached Chalt in the afternoon. Durand trusted men had already cut rope bridge connecting Hunza and Nagar. As a result, the sudden arrival of the army surprised the tribesmen. Durand states that Uzur Khan was taken aback at Nilt by surprise advance. Further, Uzur Khan wanted war, but fear to make it, and his old father and most sensible men of the country were against fighting.

On third day guns were transported to Chalt. Mules were transported by swimming across river below the great cliff, and recrossed again above it, a reach of fairly smooth water making this possible. It was dangerous and even life-threatening task, some of the men narrowly escaped drowning. Durand claims that the arrival of guns significantly strengthened his position very much.

Upon Durand’s orders, a thirty-mile new road from Gilgit to Nomal was completed. Similarly, Chalt Fort was three times reinforced to its previous strength. Thus, without firing a single shot, the advance of the tribesmen was effectively halted.

Durand describes that he chose Nagar bank to advance on, although it involved leaving a bridge in his rear which needs to be guarded because the left bank of the Hunza River (towards Nagar) was easier to move along and make certain of reaching Nilt fort. On the other side, Mayoon fort in Hunza appears at a similar distance from Chalt by the map, however, the road journey was much longer, and its last section passes through precipitous cliffs. Perhaps, crossing these cliffs without holding them was insane.  

Furthermore, Durand states that he was well informed that Nilt was strongly fortified. It was essential to storm it the day they moved because the road to it ran several hundred feet above the river for some miles, there was no way down the water within a reasonable distance of the fort. Without water he could not keep his force before the place.

Durand observes that with first streak of dawn, a small group of troops lined up. Upon seeing them he felt full confidence in their power and appointment. He reports that he possessed one thousand rifles and two guns, one hundred eighty personnels of 5th Gorkhas, the backbone of the force, four hundred Gurkhas and Dogras of Kashmir Body Guard Regiment, two hundred fifty Dogras of Kashmir Ragu Partab Regiment, one hundred and fifty volunteers of Punyali Levies, and twenty men of the 20th Punjab Infrantry of Durand’s personal escort were included in the expedition. Half of these men were assigned with ‘Gatling gun’ and half were attached with Punyali Levies to stiffen them and seven pounder mountain guns of Hazara mountain battery. It was impossible to manage supplies for such a large force owing to the difficult terrain of these countries. On the other hand, a smaller force was insufficient to undertake such an expedition. Durand estimated that he would encounter four to five thousand men who were indifferently armed, but very skillful and dangerous enemies behind stone walls.

According to Durand, advance was unopposed, however, march was slightly delayed due to path had been cut away in places. At midday, after crossing the last rising ground, the forts of Nilt (Nagar) and Mayoon (Hunza) came into view before them. Flags were fluttering on the fort walls, and a burst of cheering and roll of drums signaled that they were expected. The hostile forces were hastily positioned in the stone breastworks built on the fort and on the hills behind it. Durand tells us that he stopped his little army at the foot of the slope and sent different bodies to his commanding officers to explain his plan of attack.

The forts in the Hindukush are mostly built in even shaped with watch towers on its four corners. In addition, the solid walls (some ten to fifteen feet thick on their base) were made of mud, stone and strengthened by timber beams. Yet elevated watch towers can become fragile due to loosening of the timber frame which might bring them down with a run. Durand states that they were only two hundred and fifty meters away from the enemy lines. Subsequently, the war formally broke out. According to Knight, the assault was planned without further delay on 20 December. He underlines that using binoculars they identify weaknesses of their enemies. The tribesmen had positioned at every post and several other defensive positions. Knight asserts that it was time for a decisive attack.

Following orders from Colonel Durand, the Gurkha’s and Punyal levies had taken advanced positions. Suddenly gun fires were heard in Nilt. Knight believes that fighting had commenced in earnest. He claims that Kanjudi’s were first to open fire on forces from loopholes of fort walls. In response, the allied forces fired guns at the loopholes and at the defenders of fort corner towers, to which the enemy responded with random and largely ineffective firing. Knight remarks that no casualties were reported on their side because enemies were firing from an altitude downwards – their soldiers took refuge behind the walls of field like terraces and along the edges of canals. After ten minutes of shelling, the allied forces realized that it was of no use because towers had been built sturdily from the base to the top.

According to E. F Knight, Nilt nullah was located at the edge of the massif, and its fort was strategically built on a cliff. Nilt is a very formidable place, situated in a very extreme location like other villages in Kanjud. Shelling on fortress did not damage its walls. Residents of Nagar State have already left their territory due to unrest. Women and children were taken to safe positions on the mountains. Based on secretive reports they have burnt down all the fodder grass so that nothing could be left for mules. Kanjudi’s had judiciously cut down all fruit-trees in the vicinity of the fort, so that we should not afford us cover. Knight asserts it is evident from “all their preparations that the Kanjudi’s exhibited considerable foresight and skill, and there can be no doubt that they had with them leaders of no mean military ability.”

It was necessary to seize key defensive positions like Nilt. Knight states that we could not get our guns up this steep place on this day, however, the Punyali levies swarmed up, crowned this position and fired down upon the defenders of the fort. In the meanwhile, Captain Mackenzie, Lieutenant Manners Smith accompanied with Punyali levies up the hill, descended it on the farther side to the trench of the fort from the hill and moved forward towards the fort bunkers. A contingent of the Fifth Gurkha force, chanting slogans, advanced alongside the Punyal levies, audaciously firing into the loopholes at a few yards range, and later on, did great execution among the Kanjudi’s who were escaping from the back of the fort into Nilt nullah.

Knight reports that the enemy’s fire was very well directed and it was certain that they possessed skilled and well-trained marksmen. Knight believes that they later discovered that their opponents possessed experienced marksmen, arms of precision, and homemade matchlocks and they were thoroughly familiar with their usage. Some of the marksmen were specifically instructed to fire at and target British officers, on that day, no one who did not have some narrow escape from enemy’s bullet. For example, Lieutenant William faced fire on his helmet, lieutenant Balderson was fired at his revolver when he was trying to get in the fort. Similarly, Colonel Durand was severely injured and shifted to Gilgit after shot.

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The British Empire’s Military Campaign against the States of Hunza and Nagar (1891) - Part II

Author: Ashfaq Ahmed Adv
Translation: Ahmed Nayyar

At the end of the year (1891), orders were issued from Shimla (the summer capital of British India) to launch military campaign against Hunza-Nagar. In this context, all forces operating under British command established camp at Gilgit on 16 November 1891. According to E. F Knight, two thousand soldiers were encamped at Gilgit, awaiting further orders to launch an assault on Hunza–Nagar.

In the meantime, a political envoy from Hunza reached Nomal fort with a message for Colonel Durand. A Dogra major, the officer in charge of the fort, asked the envoy, “When they would face each other in war?” The envoy replied, “We, the people of Hunza are advocates of peace; we do not want to fight.” Upon hearing this, the Major responded, “you have made all preparations for war.” The Envoy answered, “you seem to speak sensibly.” The Major replied, “lets mount an offensive.” Mir Safdar Ali Khan’s political envoy communicated his territorial claims over Chaprot to Colonel Durand. He warned that the British should remain limited to their own territory, otherwise; they must be prepared for war. 

Chaprot was an independent small state. It had witnessed numerous conflicts and was successively conquered by different rulers. Following discussions with the envoy, Colonel Durand ordered his troops either camped or in passage to split into separate groups. Troops were directed to move along river Hunza towards Chaprot. E. F Knight records that during the advance to Chachar Pari, Gorkha forces were leading, followed by Maharaja’s troops and lastly Puniyal levies – who had guarded their frontiers for generations – were accompanied by their chief and allies Raja Akbar Khan and Raja of Astor. General Suram Chand, commander of the Dogra Brigade stationed in Gilgit, proceeded with his corps, accompanied by the Imperial Service Troops, who were taking part in campaign for the first time. One of the fourteen war experts, deployed from Shimla to support Hunza-Nagar campaign, was leading Kashmir regiment troops. Similarly, senior officers of Dogra army were accompanying the army. Some of the staff were deployed to guard check posts and forts between Gilgit to Chalt.
Knight mentions that during the night, they saw flames of burning fire everywhere on the mountains across the river and valleys – perhaps that indicates the intentions of tribesmen for war. Likewise, the people of Hunza-Nagar deliberately burned all the grass along the route to Nilt to deprive the enemy’s mules of fodder. Knight states that directions were received to move forward to frontiers on 1 December.

In his book “The Making of a Frontier”, Colonel Durand mentions that his army assembled in Chalt at the end of November with a substantial quantity of weapons, gunpowder, and two cannons. Furthermore, he describes his exhaustion from writing repeated letters in an effort to persuade the rulers of Hunza–Nagar to enter into negotiations and reach a peaceful settlement.
Earlier, in a letter wrote to Colonel Durand, Mir Safdar Ali Khan reiterated that he is not afraid of British because he had support from Russia. He threatened Durand, asserting that his warriors would decapitate him and present his head as a gift. 

In another letter, Mir Safdar expressed his willingness to fight, even if he had to use gold bullets against Durand. Moreover, he warned that any attempt to proceed further would require readiness to face three armies i.e. Hunza-Nagar, China and Russia. He cautioned Colonel Durand! We will decapitate you and inform the Government of India.  

Colonel Durand states that he ultimately sent a trusted representative to warn the rulers of Hunza-Nagar on his behalf. At that point, Safdar Ali Khan, Mir of Hunza, was positioned at Mayoon with his army. Similarly, Raja Uzur Khan of Nagar was stationed at Nilt, that was eight miles away from Durand’s camp. Durand shares that the old tham (ruler) of Nagar expressed a desire for peace; however, real authority rested with his son, Raja Uzur Khan, and the pro-war faction was sufficiently strong that the old tham was unable to oppose it.
The representative told Colonel Durand that during discussion he presented a clear stance conveying passage to British agents through their lands without any restriction. Moreover, he shared the plan of constructing military roads for accessibility based on British forward policy and building of check posts at frontiers of Hunza to stop any possible Russian aggression. However, there would be no interference in their system of government as long as they obey the directives of British government. Upon hearing this, the Prime Minister of Hunza drew his sword and threatened to kill anyone who agreed to these British demands.  

Colonel Durand gave them three days to consider the matter, however, the following day his representative came back on foot. The rulers of Hunza-Nagar not only humiliated him but had also taken his horse and sent him back on foot with threats of killing. The representative revealed that both thams had decided to fight. He also informed Durand that enemies have heavily fortified Chalt fort, having worked on it for the last two years. In addition, the Russians had promised the rulers of Hunza-Nagar to supply them with guns and cannons in support of the war.  

Colonel Durand notes that he was left with no alternative. Consequently, forces advanced through cliffs, crossed the Hunza River via a temporary bridge at Chalt, constructed by Captain Aylmer, and entered enemy’s territory on 1st December 1891. He states that attempts were made to negotiate a peaceful deal with tribesmen, but war was ultimately their decision. He claims that the only option that remained with them was to wage war with full force.
According to Knight, many tribesmen believed that London was merely a strong village, comparable to Hunza. From their perspectives, London was located at a considerable distance from Gilgit. Likewise, tribesmen anticipated Russian and Chinese support yet unfamiliar with the strength of British Empire. Knight mentions that the Hunza-Nagar force that fought against the British Empire was known as the “Field Force”.

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