The British Empire’s Military Campaign against the States of Hunza and Nagar (1891) Part-V

Author: Ashfaq Ahmed Adv
Translation: Ahmed Nayyar

The forces under the command of Colonel Durand captured the strategically important Nilt Fort in the state of Nagar after a brutal conflict. Despite the fall of Nilt, it appears that the forces of Hunza-Nagar did not lose their resolve; instead, they continued to resist. Colonel Durand remarks that “I spent the most miserable fortnight of my existence, I was consumed by terrible anxiety lying helpless, after being wounded in the battle. Despite the occupation of Nilt fort, our troops encamped outside the fort in the open ground. The campaign was ongoing, and the anxiety was relentlessly increasing day by day.”

In his book, The Making of a Frontier, Durand affirms that “the Indus valley tribes and Chitralis would be certain to rise for rebellion. Although, Gilgit and Bunji would have remain safe. However, if the war was dragged, the difficulty of feeding the troops at the front would become insuperable owing to closure of mountain passes. At this crucial time, the presence of George Robertson with the force, his fiery courage and determination would keep me confident.”

The breach of the enemy's defensive line remained a mystery even after the capture of Nilt Fort. It seems that the failure of this campaign could have been catastrophic for British India. Colonel Durand tells us that “the planned attempt to capture Mayoon fort in Hunza had failed. The fort was strongly fortified and held, and was very difficult of approach because, to seize the Mayoon fort, the troops would have had to pass for six hundred yards under a line of cliffs that were held by the enemy. Furthermore, before getting the right flank of the Nagar position, we would have been exposed to a raking fire from both banks. The cliffs into the river were some hundreds of feet high. Only at rare intervals did a path lead up a ravine to the plateau above, and down these well-known passes the enemy had turned water, which, freezing at once, converted them into sheets of ice. To storm up such paths seemed impossible, and the enemy ever on the alert, redoubled the difficulty by letting down fireballs at night into the riverbed, which lit up plainly. Consequently, the second alternative, after careful consideration, had to be given up."

Durand states that “there remained but the third course – to find a way up the cliffs opposite Nilt and to deliver a direct assault.” E. F. Knight mentions that a small garrison was left to guard the captured fort of Nilt, while the bulk of the force encamped at about half a mile from it, among the cultivated fields of the maidan. We observed flickering fires of the enemy’s pickets scattered all over the mountainside beyond Nilt; but Sher bachas and muskets became silent at sunset.

Colonel Durand writes that “night after night, reconnaissances were pushed up the great ravine leading to the glaciers of Rakaposhi, and the opposing cliff was explored. The enemy’s posts ran right up to the glaciers, and the cliffs became more forbidding the farther our men pushed their researches. Finally, with the necessity came the man. A little Dogra sepoy called Nagdu one night succeeded in climbing twelve hundred feet up the cliff, and found a practicable path, and preparations were made for the final assault on Nagar forces.”

Durand notes that, “for some days I had heard nothing definite, though I knew the decisive moment had nearly come. At length one morning, after days of horrible anxiety and nights of ceaseless pain had almost worn me out, Manners-Smith burst into my room with the glad news that the position had been carried, and the troops were far on their way to Nagar. The success had been obtained under the command of Captain Colin Mackenzie of the Seaforth Highlanders, an Aide-de-Camp of Lord Roberts’, who had come up with me, and whom I had made quartermaster general of my little force. The officer in command had been obliged to return to Gilgit for a few days to see about the ever-anxious question of supply; an opening had offered in his absence, and Mackenzie, who was in temporary command, had seized it. The action is admirably described in my friend Knight’s book, Where three Empires meet, and does not call for description from a man who was not present.”

On the breaching of the defensive line of Nagar, Knight reveals that “artillery was deployed atop the Nilt ravine, to protect the road-makers along the fort walls and the cliffs. Meanwhile, from the opposite direction, over a dozen Kanjuti marksmen opened fire on the crowded British troops, acting on the instructions of their military leaders. Many troops came directly under fire. Three British personnel were killed, and five were wounded; Captain Garton himself was severely injured. Some of the battery mules were also hit by the enemy's fire. During the engagement, another British soldier was killed. The Kanjuts were ready for us, fully prepared for battle. Bullet after bullet from a sanga began to rain down from the ridge above the British troops. Mitchell himself was hit in the chest by a jezail bullet, but he fortunately survived. Down in Nilt, the native defenders were entirely resolved to make their stand at this very location; they had even re-occupied one of the breastworks. It was later learned that they were planning to recapture the fort.”

Knight observes that, during this period, a man crossed the river safely on an inflated skin (mashak) and reached the British camp. He carried a letter from the Tham of Hunza, indicating the ruler's willingness to negotiate for peace while remaining unwilling to accept the demands of the British Government set out in Colonel Durand's ultimatum. Mir Safdar Ali Khan remained resolute in his refusal to permit the construction of a road through his territory. According to Knight, Safdar Ali Khan's envoy conveyed that the capture of Nilt was of little consequence and should not be regarded as a significant British achievement, as his generals had more or less anticipated its fall. He further asserted that any further British advance would be impossible in the face of Hunza's formidable defences. The envoy claimed that every breastwork in Hunza was manned, that the defenders possessed one large Sher bacha and four smaller pieces of artillery, and that they occupied exceptionally strong defensive positions. Despite their efforts, the British had been unable to capture the fort at Mayoon in Hunza.

The envoy of Mir Safdar Ali Khan of Hunza returned with the message from the British Political Agent, in which they conveyed that the war would continue until the fulfilment of their demands. Consequently, unusual firing and shelling resumed. It appears that this worthless agreement was merely a waste of time. Within two days, the British troops were able to capture the defensive fort of Nagar through fierce fighting. The British troops captured 118 prisoners from the lower front and nearby defensive posts after brutal fighting. Some of these Kanjuti prisoners remained steadfast to their cause, and 22 of them were shot dead by the British troops on the way to Thol. Six British troops were killed, and 27 were injured. Knight stresses that the victory of 20 December was made possible by the efforts of Nagdu, a soldier of the Kashmiri Bodyguard Regiment. Following his successful reconnaissance, the British forces captured this strategically important defensive position. Subsequently, it was reported that more than eighty Kanjutis had been killed, the majority of whom were from Nagar, while a smaller number were from Hunza Mayoon. These defenders had been continuously firing upon the British forces from their positions across the ravine. Following the capture of the position, the British troops remained in Nagar for eighteen days, during which exchanges of fire with the Hunza posts continued. The British rifles and guns had compelled Kanjutis in Mayoon to keep within their fortified village.

Knight points out that, “on the other hand, their marksmen made it unadvisable for any of us to show his head above the parapets of Nilt. They had men among them who evidently knew how to use the Martini-Henry or Berdan at long range. The Hunza General himself was wont to station himself all day at the summit of the Ziarat Tower, with a long telescope and a Berdan rifle, spying and shooting at us. Now and then, a Sher bacha would drop a shot into the middle of our camp.”

Knight states, “There was one very bold Kanjuti who crossed the Mayoon nullah one day, took up a position on the farther side of the river, just opposite to our camp, and made most excellent practice with a Berdan, until he suddenly disappeared on a shell from Molony's gun bursting over him; so it was conjectured that he had been killed.”

The mountains of Hunza were echoing the gunfire where steadfast and committed Kanjutis were positioned fighting and taking extreme risks to their lives, despite their Tham having fled the country. During the Hunza-Nagar campaign, four British officers and forty other troops were killed.

Knight posits that, following the occupation of the Nagar state, we sent a message to the people of Hunza offering them an opportunity to surrender. If they laid down their arms, we would not harm them. Also, it was ploughing season in the valley.

Apparently, there was a huge disagreement among the people. The supporters of the exiled Wazir, Hamayoon Baig, were reluctant to the conflict, because a large group among them was hostile to Mir Safdar Ali Khan. It appears that these groups believed to reach a settlement with the British troops in opposition to Mir Safdar Ali Khan, who had fled the country to Yarqand, leaving his subjects in trouble. Soon, some Kanjutis were spotted along the Hunza River, the British troops opened fire on them and continued until it was clear that they had given up fighting.

The Kanjutis were willing to engage in a conversation with the British. Subsequently, a group of elders comprised of fourteen men from influential families of Hunza reached Nilt for negotiation. Advocate Masaid Ullah Baig, a member of the family of Hamayoon Baig, states that Muhammad Raza Baig, the brother of Hamayoon Baig, was also a member of the delegation. On receiving assurances of their safety and non-interference by the British in their internal affairs, the fourteen-member delegation from Hunza agreed to cease hostilities and accepted the sovereignty of the British Empire.

Later, a group of tribesmen helped the British to build a temporary bridge across the Kanjut River to facilitate the passage of troops to enter Hunza. Aziz Ali Dad, a prominent intellectual from Gilgit-Baltistan, says, "With the defeat of the Nagar state, the defense of Hunza dissolved and the influential tribesmen here, instead of resisting, even appeased the British." British troops faced no resistance in Hunza other than Mayoon. According to Aziz Ali Dad, constructing the bridge to facilitate the entry of British forces into Hunza constituted an act of collaboration rather than resistance. He further argues that, although some interpret these negotiations as evidence of Hunza's prudence, they are better understood as a psychological process through which a defeated mindset retrospectively reinterprets its own weakness in more favourable terms. Similarly, it underscores that after the escape of Mir Safdar Ali Khan, there was no centre of power in Hunza.

In accordance with the negotiations with the Hunza delegation, the very next morning, Captain Twigg, Lieutenant Boisragon and one hundred Gurkha soldiers set out from Sumayar, Nagar, to occupy the castle of Hunza. According to E. F. Knight, some years back, the tribesmen of Hunza had entrapped and massacred a whole Dogra army. Therefore, they were worried that the Mir’s party would regain ascendancy, or that the negotiations would be treachery of the tribesmen, or that the tribesmen might change their minds. Thus, the troops were kept ready to come and support if they were attacked. Moreover, the British forces had taken fourteen men as hostages from influential families as collateral in Nagar. The hostages were responsible with their lives for the safety of the small body of sepoys. Raja Akbar Khan of Punyal and Raja Bahadur Khan of Astore were accompanying the British. They had relations with the rulers of Hunza and Nagar. The tribesmen of Hunza upheld their promise, as the people were discontented with the Mir's escape and his oppression. Subsequently, the British succeeded in their plans and occupied Hunza. Colonel Durand tells us that the Kanjuti’s (tribesmen of Hunza) defended themselves valiantly, but they could not resist the British forces.

In addition, Colonel Durand states that my friend Humayoon Baig, the ex-Wazir of Hunza, had naturally been with us and was reinstated to his previous position. Knight points out that “Wazir Humayoon had many friends in Hunza, and that a large party in that country was ready to follow him. As such a man would be of service to us, he had been recalled from Chitral by our resident. At the time I write this, the exiled Humayoon is once more in possession of his estates, and is Wazir

of Hunza.”

Durand left six hundred men of the Imperial Service regiments to occupy Hunza and Nagar. Civil administration was handed over to local rulers. Lieutenant Townshend being appointed Military Governor, and the rest of the force marched to Gilgit. Additionally, Colonel Durand created Hunza-Nagar levies comprised of local tribesmen.

According to Durand, “it was an open secret that Safdar Ali Khan had counted on help from the north, and had sent an embassy to the Russians, at Tashkent. The Governor-General had refused any assistance, but by all accounts, his staff had held very different language, and Safdar Ali Khan had apparently attached some importance to the reports his messenger brought. In his reply to my ultimatum, he had threatened me with the wrath of the three Empires – Hunza, Russia, and China. The help expected had not been forthcoming, and the "descendant of Alexander" was now an exile. The result of the little war may best be summed up in the words of a well-known Russian statesman, who said when he heard of our occupation of Hunza: "Ils nous ont fermés la porte au nez" (They have slammed the door in our faces).”

Durand continues, “The gallantry of officers and men during the operations was fittingly rewarded. Aylmer, Boisragon, and Manners-Smith received the Victoria Cross, and a number of Orders of Merit, the equivalent to the Victoria Cross in the native army, were distributed among the rank and file.

Knight mentions that the Hunza-Nagar campaign was over. Cultivation season had just begun here. It was the time of ploughing in the valley. After the conquest, when I saw the cultivation in both countries, I realised that the Hunza-Nagaris are industrious agriculturists as well as bold robbers. Arms and ammunition, along with the big cannon of Hunza Castle, which had been manufactured by the unfortunate Yarkander, were taken and voluntarily carried to Gilgit as a trophy. One hundred and ten people dragged this ponderous piece of artillery over the rough track to Gilgit in little over a week. Four other captured Sher bachas were also brought in, whereas one cannon was captured from Nilt Fort Nagar.

Knight sheds light on the story of Sher bacha cannon; he writes, “Some years back a Chinese armourer from Yarkand came to Hunza and offered to cast so powerful a cannon for the defence of the Tham's stronghold as to enable him to defy the world. The Tham took him at his word, decreed a compulsory collection of all the brazen and copper cooking-pots and other vessels in the neighbourhood of the capital, and of this metal the big gun was forthwith made. The like of it had never before been seen in these highlands. The Tham was delighted with it and showed his sincere appreciation of his services by having him immediately decapitated, jealous lest this unique workman should betake himself to Nagar, Dogra’s, or any other, and construct similar ordnance for those rival Powers.”

Durand indicates that “no interference in the internal affairs of the Hunza and Nagar states was attempted.” Perhaps, they had worst experience of the Anglo-Afghan War of 1842 engraved in their minds. According to Knight, “Mir Safdar Ali and Mir Uzr Khan had been accompanied in their flight by some four hundred men, who had carried with them, not only the treasures of Hunza, but all the best rifles, and that it was their intention to cross the Killik Pass, at the head of the Hunza Valley, and proceed to Tashkurghan, in Chinese Turkestan.” Moreover, Knight states, on being asked from a person, in what direction the

Tham intended to go? He replied that the Tham was about to cross the Bam-i-Dunya (Roof of the World), the first time any of us had heard the Pamirs thus designated by a native.”

In his book “Tribes of the Hindoo Kosh”, Major John Biddulph tells us about this property of Mir of Hunza. He writes, “Shah Ghazanfur Khan of Hunza rendered assistance to Chinese government in overcoming the rebellion in Yarqand in 1847. In recognition of this service a jagheer was granted to him close to Yarqand, and a brass tablet inscribed with a record of the friendship of Hunza towards Peking. A fixed subsidy was paid by the Chinese to the Tham of Hunza. Under these circumstances, the caravans between Yarqand and Leh were plundered, and young men were seized and sold into slavery, which caused Hunza to become the chief Place of resort for slave-merchants from Badakhshan. Whereas, on the reestablishment of Chinese power in Kashghar in 1878, Mir Ghazan Khan made a formal request to revive his ancient rights.”

On the other hand, Knight mentions that Uzr Khan, who had escaped across the Killik, was arrested by the Chinese authorities and was brought to Gilgit by an escort of Chinese soldiers. Later, he was taken to Kashmir and imprisoned. He died in prison after being confined for ten years. Descendants of the Hunza and Nagar chieftains still live in China and Kashmir. It is worth noting that before the Hunza-Nagar campaign, Baltistan, Astore, Gilgit, Chilas, Punyal and Yasin were under the domination of Dogras.

According to Knight, “Our troops made a triumphant entry into Gilgit on January 11. Crowds of natives were collected on the maidan to welcome the victorious army, and the band of Alidad Khan, Raja of Gilgit, played stirring music in honour of having overthrown that prince’s father.” Afterwards, the British Indian government decided to place Nazim Khan, half-brother to Safdar Ali, on the throne of Hunza, and Humayoon Baig as his Wazir. Similarly, old Tham Zafar Khan was reinstated, and his son Sikander Khan was declared his successor in Nagar. Likewise, a fixed pension was allocated to these newly appointed chieftains. Interestingly, it continued till today, with the only difference of Government of Pakistan being the exchequer.

Zulfiqar Ahmad, great-grandson of Raja Zafar Khan of Nagar, views that “The independent state of Nagar’s autonomy went under British control due to internal conflicts over the throne. The British would not have won this war if local people had not supported them. After losing the war against the British, the sovereign state of Nagar became part of British India. Currently, this historical state is just an administrative district, and the same goes with Hunza.”

Against this historical backdrop, the observation of Peter Hopkirk, author of “The Great Game”, remains particularly relevant. He argues that the rivalry between the British and Russian Empires for dominance in Central Asia was not merely a contest between imperial powers but a matter of life and death for the local populations. Although the Great Game ostensibly came to an end, political decisions affecting these communities continued to be made in colonial centres such as Calcutta and London, thereby undermining local autonomy.

Within the context of the Great Game, which emerged during the 1830s, the occupation and control of frontier regions were driven primarily by the strategic interests of the British Empire and Tsarist Russia. These mountainous territories of Central Asia were valued principally for their geopolitical significance rather than the communities that inhabited them.

From this perspective, it can be argued that the British occupation of the states of Hunza–Nagar cannot be regarded as the happy ending of a fairy tale; rather, it signifies the beginning of a prolonged political subjugation and domination.

One conclusion that may be drawn from the Hunza–Nagar campaign is that the people of Hunza and Nagar demonstrated remarkable bravery and heroism in resisting a global imperial power. Their collective response reflected not only military courage but also a strong sense of self-confidence and agency that may be regarded as characteristic of a people who valued their freedom.

E. F. Knight discerns, “a determined resistance was offered by some of the enemy's marksmen, who fought to the death and asked no quarter.” Yet, they were defeated. Thus, it is reasonable to argue that the courageous people of Hunza and Nagar who laid down lives for their country have secured an enduring place in history despite losing the war against an imperial power.

Even today, when we look at people from Hunza-Nagar, particularly women who climb some of the world’s highest peaks, including K2, without fear, they exemplify courage, endurance and self-confidence which appear to be part of their DNA. Viewed in this historical continuum, it may be contended that these same qualities were evident among the people of Hunza and Nagar, who, together with the inhabitants of other parts of Gilgit-Baltistan, played a significant role in the events associated with the Gilgit-Baltistan War of Independence on 1 November 1947.

Photos: The making of a Frontier, Where three Empires meet

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